Showing posts with label realignment. Show all posts
Showing posts with label realignment. Show all posts

25 December 2008

Christmas shorts (and a midlength bit on Friends United Meeting)

Winter gains a foothold on Mir Street.
My Western-calendar Christmas has been just about like any other day--I went to several stores, scanned a document, took the resulting disk of data to a friend, taught a class, made a lot of phone calls, worked on a spreadsheet, had tea with teachers, took a bus from Sovetskaya Street to Yalagin Street, walked a lot (and crunched through a lot of snow), read, and, finally, began these notes.

Underneath it all, though, was the thought that almost everyone I know outside of Russia is celebrating Christmas today--a thought confirmed by lots of e-mails and Facebook statuses. Here, Christmas (January 7) is a quieter holiday, in the shadow of its boisterous secular calendarmate, New Year. Although Christmas's demotion in popular culture is related to the Bolshevik decision to disestablish Christianity, a decision enforced at times with ferocious cruelty, I find that I actually like the way it has now turned out--letting Christmas be a spiritual celebration rather than a binge of consumerism.

My favorite "Christmas text" from Quaker sources, once again:
We must not have Christ Jesus, the Lord of Life, put any more in the stable amongst the horses and asses, but he must now have the best chamber, the heart, and the rude, debauched spirit must be turned out. Therefore let him reign, whose right it is, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, by which Holy Ghost you call him Lord, in which Holy Ghost you pray, and by which Holy Ghost you have comfort and fellowship with the Son and with the Father. Therefore know the triumph in the Seed, which is first and last, the beginning and ending, the top and cornerstone. --George Fox, 1657


My favorite Christmas/New Year card for this year is the cover of the December 22 issue of The New Times. Cover title: "2009: Expecting a thaw." I've been fascinated by the warmth and goodwill I've seen here, both among the people we know and in the mass media, towards Barack Obama and the prospect of his presidency.

By the way, here's the original and a Google translation of this magazine's review of the U.S. presidential campaign of 2008.



For several weeks, a letter from several Orthodox yearly meeting superintendents addressed to the Friends United Meeting's presiding clerk has been circulating among Friends. This letter asks for FUM's urgent attention to the organization's dysfunctions. The core of the letter:
We believe that the current composition and structure of FUM is not working. We share a strong conviction that we can and must do better. Our dually-affiliated yearly meetings suffer from painful conflict connected to their relationship with FUM; conflict that eats up valuable time and energy. The five yearly meetings that we represent [Indiana, Iowa, North Carolina, Western, and Wilmington] likewise often face painful division among our own meetings concerning our relationship with FUM and share the frustration of being yoked together with Friends who do not share a common sense of identity or a common vision for ministry. We observe that the FUM staff struggles to lead an organization divided by competing theologies and priorities. The most tragic result of this is that the work of FUM around the world suffers.
The letter goes on to ask that "the FUM General Board Executive Committee immediately assume the task of searching for options that would address these concerns and that specific strategies be presented at our next meeting of the FUM General Board in February 2009."

Ever since I first heard about this initiative from the superintendents, I've had conflicting thoughts. My first reaction to their alarm signal was "Well, duh." It's impossible for me to argue with their diagnosis. The good news is that the issue has once again been posed with urgency, as in the days of the realignment controversy of the early 1990's (proposing that FUM realign itself so that its essentially evangelical membership unite with Evangelical Friends and its essentially liberal membership unite with the more liberal branch of Friends in North America, Friends General Conference). In my opinion, the earlier realignment initiative failed more because of faulty process than merit; this time, a perhaps similar vision is being pursued with directness and transparency, and with openness to other alternatives that could overcome FUM's real problems.

However, on the negative side, I wonder how many of FUM's critics realize that FUM is not itself the fundamental problem among Friends. We still resist abandonment to divine providence; we still settle for secondary controversies, timid programs, reactionary dispute styles, rather than a bold, warmhearted. all-out search for a vision of Quaker vocation in a world that barely, BARELY knows we exist! Our resistance to revival takes many forms and excuses, depending on whether we're liberal or evangelical and any number of other historical and cultural factors. I hear the superintendents saying that their constituencies are tired of being slowed down by FUM-related irritations, and from my own experience I think their complaint is accurate. I just wonder what other excuses for avoiding radical discipleship would appear were FUM no longer a factor.

With all my heart, I wish FUM a fruitful 2009. Most of all, I hope that the decisions needed to respond faithfully to this latest challenge not be avoided (least of all by attempts to belittle the sources of the challenge) but be confronted head-on. How many more chances will FUM get to avoid de facto dissolution?

(My too-many posts on FUM.)



Here's where I'd be this Saturday if I weren't in Elektrostal--at a Christmas concert in Portland postponed by snow. The Sons of Day perform December 27th at New Beginnings Church, 3300 NE 172nd Pl, Portland, Oregon 97230, 7:00pm. Tickets: $10 at door. I loved hearing them at Reedwood a couple of years ago. (See this page, scroll down.)



I have no temptation to weigh in on the controversy over Rick Warren and the Obama inauguration, except this: Why not simply take Obama at his word? So much of the over-analysis from all directions of his invitation to Warren seems inspired by cynicism. I enjoyed this widely circulated comment from Melissa Etheridge.



Wonderful archival material from the remarkable joint television appearance in Hamilton, Ontario, back in 1983, by Stevie Ray Vaughan and Albert King:

23 August 2007

What is really wrong with Friends United Meeting

Source.  
. . . but first, what is NOT wrong!

What is not wrong with FUM as FUM is the controversial policy on hiring and personal ethics (which says that FUM personnel and volunteers should reserve sexual intimacy for heterosexual marriage). This is why: that policy is an accurate reflection of God's will as understood by the FUM board at the time the policy was adopted. Any other more "liberal" policy would have marginalized (and would still marginalize) the majority of the constituency, in favor of the preferences of Friends with arguably the least amount of love and care for FUM.

And the way some of FUM's recent critics have demonstrated casual attitudes toward history, their negative assumptions about FUM's narrowness, and the meanness of the way they have treated even FUM staff members (including non-Friends on the staff)--all that does not give the volunteer leadership of FUM much of an incentive to go back into the process of discussing those policies once again. When someone demonstrates little or no affection for an organization and its central purposes, why should that organization grant them power over its life and death?

The blunt reality: only by changing that majority will Friends succeed in changing FUM policies, and I see little likelihood that FUM's critics will invite African and Caribbean Quakers, not to mention Iowa Yearly Meeting, into a serious and costly and trustfully-conducted dialogue on sexuality and biblical ethics, with equal attention to the themes that their conversation partners also consider vitally important.

Here's the post on Quaker Pagan Reflections that set off these thoughts. I was so distracted by Peter's characterization of some attitudes toward FUM that my comments there, presented again here, did not include a proper thank-you for his gracious description of Eden Grace's presentation. Here's what I said:
I had a very hard time wrestling with these words: "We are outraged by what we feel is a narrow minded and hateful stance FUM has taken on sexual ethics, but we have never come to any unity ourselves—have never even considered—making a statement of our own about sexual ethics."

I appreciate the candor of the statement, and realize that it is a general description, not a manifesto. But I was there when the FUM personnel policy was adopted, and there was nothing at all going on remotely similar to "taking a stance," nor was the context narrow-minded or hateful.

In fact, I keep wanting to challenge the apparent idea that "FUM" as an organization is somehow a black box in which narrow-minded, hateful things go on and "stances" are taken. What actually happened was that months of consultations and study led to a General Board meeting, clerked humbly and carefully by Paul Enyart, in which a decision was made almost regretfully by a roomful of people practicing mutual submission. Many people had to give up something desired by their home constituencies, including those Friends who still felt that homosexuality was criminal or should at least be socially disadvantaged. The actual policy goes directly against those points of view, and upholds the civil rights of all people regardless of sexual orientation. I don't remember how many New England YM Friends were at that meeting, but I do remember the one who said "This is as far as God has taken us at this time." (Not an exact quotation.)

My main point is that Friends United Meeting isn't an organization that takes actions by running roughshod over its members. It IS its members. You may know that in your head, but if people keep objectifying the connection point, pretty soon newcomers and outside observers can be excused for believing that the problem lies solely in that narrow-minded, hateful connection point.

If a YM breaks the tie with FUM, it's not the relationship with an organization that they're severing (formally), it's with the other Friends in other parts of the world for whom FUM was that connection point. We can certainly have ties only with Friends who never differ with us on anything that is important to us (and perhaps it is sufficient only to have bilateral connections with just one other yearly meeting at a time) but let's admit that that's what we're doing, not breaking ties with some mean-spirited group that doesn't, in any compact sense, actually exist.
I am not at all sure that biblical faithfulness requires the policy that FUM adopted, but I can verify that FUM did the process right. Just a few years earlier, I'd seen an anti-homosexual policy pushed through Indiana Yearly Meeting in the face of substantial and visible opposition, so I knew what bad process could look like. FUM's process was nothing like that.

Most of my adult life, I believed that Friends who were radically different in theology and culture could have fruitful dialogues, and could thereby create and model effective evangelism and peacemaking for the larger world. Not that every Friend would have such dialogues as their primary mission--evangelical Friends are right to say that the world's need for the Gospel should outweigh our internal fascinations. But it would always be useful for us to challenge each other to a more complete and faithful harvesting of our own three and a half centuries of discipleship.

But now the walls of suspicion may simply be too high for such dialogues to be institutionalized in organizations such as FUM. When significant groups of Friends in the more liberal yearly meetings use the language of money (as in threatening to cut off funding) to communicate with FUM, and when individual meetings in the more evangelical yearly meetings threaten to leave their yearly meeting if it doesn't cut ties with FUM, then it's time to be honest about the alienation we're witnessing.

There were once substantial centrist groups that held FUM together, groups who believed that love is a bridge that doesn't require the opposite shore to be symmetrical to theirs. I don't know how much of that constituency still exists. From the liberal side, the most pro-FUM message that I hear seems to be that by staying engaged, "we" can change FUM. What qualifies them to change FUM is not specified -- by all indications it's not passionate support for FUM's central goal, which is to energize and equip Friends for evangelism.

Here are some queries for Friends:
  • When did our discussions of ethical ideals become subject to the veto of the most brittle or wounded or angry among us? Liberal communities sometimes don't want to discuss limitations on behavior that might affect someone in the room, or even affiliations that include the idea of limitations, because those people will object to being made invisible or disadvantaged. In some evangelical circles, there's often an almost irresistible compulsion not to say anything that might be mistaken for "liberal." In both cases, the truncated range of permissibility kills genuine dialogue, especially when people start trumping each other by comparing the pain they feel when their theology or their sexuality, or other aspects of their identity, are supposedly attacked. You mustn't compare pain, neither for therapeutic benefit nor for rhetorical advantage!
  • Do you believe that Christians should have boundaries on behavior, and that those boundaries should be derived from, or at least not be in conflict with, the Bible? Do you believe that those boundaries should ever actually involve the behavior of people present at your yearly meeting sessions, or should those boundaries only involve people who are at a safe distance from your deliberations? Do you believe that you should or should not have meaningful organizational connections with Friends who disagree with you on issues of behavioral boundaries?
  • Should FUM give up its ancient conceit of being a denomination (complete with responsibility for maintaining a denominational identity), and simply stick to being a program and resource network for evangelism? Those yearly meetings who need a wider association for identity purposes would still have Evangelical Friends International to affiliate with, and (in North America at least) Friends General Conference. And the great Quaker post office, Friends World Committee for Consultation, would remain available for worldwide communication and ... well ... consultation. Those yearly meetings whose members are simply too prickly to behave themselves in a larger context of mutual accountability would have to get used to life without the FUM scapegoat.

    This proposal is different from the old realignment controversy in that FUM would not be broken apart in favor of the other associations; it would remain active, and maybe even grow stronger, but with only the participation of those who actually care about its core mission. There would still be controversies--perhaps even some of the same ones--but they would be controversies among people voluntarily connected by an overarching priority.
  • Do you personally believe that FUM's purpose is valid? How has your agreement or lack of agreement with FUM's purpose played a role in how you've supported, criticized, or ignored FUM? If you agree with the importance of FUM's purpose, but don't agree with the policy on hiring and personal ethics, is there another wider affiliation for your yearly meeting that would better serve this purpose of energizing and equipping Friends for evangelism?
  • Regardless of your beliefs about sexuality, if your yearly meeting is in FUM but does not share FUM's purpose, then why is it in FUM? Would your yearly meeting allow FUM (that is, those members of FUM who do support its purpose) to challenge your yearly meeting's understanding of Quaker priorities as strongly as your yearly meeting would like to challenge those pro-FUM Friends on FUM's policies?
  • Do social, cultural, or political prejudices cause some in your yearly meeting to hold FUM to higher standards than they hold their own yearly meeting or their local meeting or church?
One more list--here are some aspects of what I think is really wrong with FUM--its frustrating passivity and maintenance mentality:
  • Most of Friends United Meeting's long-time supporters have overvalued old-fashioned denominational loyalty, and underestimated FUM's need to earn its right to exist by virtue of creatively designed and ardently advocated programming. There's been a huge shift in the larger culture, especially in North America, away from uncritical denominational loyalty--and one evidence of this is the rapid decline in the numbers of Friends in the FUM-only yearly meetings.

    In 1993, FUM adopted the present excellent purpose statement. That purpose statement should be not only the core of FUM's programming, but FUM's public voice should be consistently implementing, defending and promoting this purpose in season and out of season. As it is now, much of the North American constituency of FUM isn't even on board with the purpose statement. As for FUM's vital international work, much of it probably relates to the purpose statement but it is almost exclusively described in terms of maintenance. For example, Kenya absorbs a huge amount of FUM's attention, but Kenya is a highly evangelized country. How does FUM's work there reflect FUM's purpose? I think it does in many ways, but I can't point to evidence of this in Quaker Life or on the FUM Web site.
  • A related point: FUM's traditional loyalists have feared controversy. When the realignment controversy first erupted around 1990, many of them did their best to smother it, right before my very eyes. (In those years I was Midwest field staff for Friends World Committee for Consultation and attended many FUM Board meetings.) Quaker Life acted as if this life-and-death issue didn't exist. Pro-realignment dissidents operated mostly in secrecy. When they conducted a conference on realignment, FUM's entire leadership caste should have embraced the event as a vital conversation on the future of "Orthodox" Quakerism. Rather than being cynical about the motives of the conference organizers (and a certain amount of cynicism might have been justified), they should have rejoiced that long-suppressed tensions and resentments were finally being vented and could at last be addressed.

    Even earlier, when Kara Newell ended her service at FUM in the mid-1980's, she challenged the board with the "lie" of the word "United" in the name "Friends United Meeting." The untruthfulness of that word has been a huge flaw in the organization--an irritant to those who believed that they were "unequally yoked" with unbelievers through the affiliation of overlap yearly meetings, and a constant incentive to smooth over the awkward truth through bland happy-talk at the leadership level. Bland happy-talk is still in fashion: earlier this year I received fundraising materials in the mail that used the tagline, "United? Yes! To Learn. To Care. To Love. To Serve." It came into my mailbox around the time of the divisive Board meeting in Kenya and the subsequent withdrawal of Southeastern Yearly Meeting. You can't just assert a claim, you have to demonstrate that the claim is (a) worth making, and (b) true. The claim of unity is simply not true.
  • The dead hand of fearful loyalty continues to suppress open conversations about FUM's errors and encounters with corruption. We tried to break through some of those inhibitions when (during Ben Richmond's and my stewardship of Quaker Life) we reported on (for example) the collapse of the National Friends Insurance Trust and the Productions Plus scheme, and the visa sales scam operated by some Nairobi Yearly Meeting leaders back in 1999, but by and large FUM has not operated with the kind of transparency that befits the "Children of the Light." In some cases, FUM has confronted corruption successfully but has never publicly told the story and has therefore never received the credit (along with the awkward questions that should be welcomed as evidence of an engaged constituency).
A re-engaged constituency, attracted by lively advocacy and good purposeful programming, is FUM's only chance at revival. Come to think of it, that is probably true for every one of the 19th-century and early 20th-century organizations still claiming our resources. When our whole world-wide constituency amounts to the Catholic population of Philadelphia, it doesn't become any of us to look at any of our institutions with a one-upping spirit.



Over the past year, I've written a number of posts about FUM on this weblog, and a number of related comments on others' weblogs. For those of you who have no interest at all in this area of Quaker politics or history, these comments must seem strangely gnarly and trivial in comparison to the great themes of the Christian good news and Quaker discipleship. For me, it's a matter of stewardship of a long heritage of relationships and ministry, but I know this isn't true for everyone. And I admit my ego is mixed in here, too; I poured seven years into being the head of the FUM staff, and my highest priority in that job--trying to restore trust between organization and constituency--was only very partially achieved. Anyway, if you've gotten this far, thanks for your patience!



For convenience, here's the purpose statement of FUM, dating back to 1993:
Friends United Meeting commits itself to energize and equip Friends through the power of the Holy Spirit to gather people into fellowships where Jesus Christ is known, loved and obeyed as Teacher and Lord.
And here's the FUM policy on hiring and personal ethics, as stated at the time I left the staff in 2000. (If it has changed, I hope someone will provide the revision.)
Friends United Meeting holds to the traditional Friends testimonies of peace (nonviolence), simplicity, truth speaking, community, gender and racial equality, chastity, and fidelity in marriage. It is expected that the lifestyle of all staff and volunteer appointees of Friends United Meeting will be in accordance with these testimonies.

Friends United Meeting affirms the civil rights of all people. Staff and volunteer appointments and promotions are made without regard to sex, race, national origin, age, physical disability, or sexual orientation. It is expected that intimate sexual behavior should be confined to marriage, understood to be between one man and one woman.



Righteous links:

Mark Keiley's courteous meditation, "In defense of the institutional church," is a pleasure to read. Interestingly, he doesn't himself attend an institutional church.

The convention of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, to an outsider like me, has seemed more like a conference of Veterans of False Dichotomies. Two days ago, almost-candidate Fred Thompson was reported to have said, "We know that Iraq is an important front in this war. We also know if we appear to be divided and weak in this nation, it will enable the enemy and make our country more dangerous, and therefore the world more dangerous, than ever before." So: when a democracy is genuinely divided, that's a sign of weakness? Maybe it's a sign that a bad policy has caused dissension--which is a sign of strength! The world is arguably more dangerous when a superpower lets a provably flawed leadership team do its thinking for it.

And while we're arguing flawed historical analogies, Juan Cole cites the interesting analogy of Napoleon's invasion of Egypt. Here's a scary teaser:
From the time of Bonaparte to that of Bush, the use of the rhetoric of liberty versus tyranny, of uplift versus decadence, appears to have been a constant among imperialists from republics -- and has remained domestically effective in rallying support for colonial wars. The despotism (but also the weakness) of the Mamluks and of Saddam Hussein proved sirens practically calling out for Western interventions. According to the rhetoric of liberal imperialism, tyrannical regimes are always at least potentially threats to the Republic, and so can always be fruitfully overthrown in favor of rule by a Western military. After all, that military is invariably imagined as closer to liberty since it serves an elected government. (Intervention is even easier to justify if the despots can be portrayed, however implausibly, as allied with an enemy of the republic.)

For both Bush and Bonaparte, the genteel diction of liberation, rights, and prosperity served to obscure or justify a major invasion and occupation of a Middle Eastern land, involving the unleashing of slaughter and terror against its people. Military action would leave towns destroyed, families displaced, and countless dead. Given the ongoing carnage in Iraq, President Bush's boast that, with "new tactics and precision weapons, we can achieve military objectives without directing violence against civilians," now seems not just hollow but macabre. The equation of a foreign military occupation with liberty and prosperity is, in the cold light of day, no less bizarre than the promise of war with virtually no civilian casualties.

Mark Lilla, in his otherwise useful NYT article on "The Politics of God," provokes major frustration when he says, "Reading a letter like Ahmadinejad’s [letter to George Bush], we fall mute, like explorers coming upon an ancient inscription written in hieroglyphics." Give me a break; the letter was not that strange. What was strange was that Bush and his colleagues did not have the elemental courtesy, not to mention strategic sagacity, to take the letter seriously and use the occasion to reply, both to the truths and to the perceived errors in the Iranian president's letter.

Instead, our administration continues to treat Iran as a semi-pariah, criticizing them for "meddling" in the affairs of the country with whom they share a risky border (implying that we would never meddle in another country's affairs?) and lecturing our allies with public condescension when they dare say Iran is a friend of theirs: "Now if the signal [from Maliki] is that Iran is constructive, I will have to have a heart to heart with my friend the prime minister, because I don't believe they are constructive." [source]

One more item from Tom Engelhardt's site: "American on the downward slope," by Dilip Hiro. I don't welcome news of the USA's decreasing influence worldwide. The world still needs our ideals; it's our arrogance it can do without.

02 August 2007

Tom Hamm on FUM and its identity--an interpretive history

Tom Hamm has given me permission to present here the valuable paper he wrote for use by the Friends United Meeting General Board's identity retreat held a few weeks ago. (See my report here.) Please don't republish Tom's paper without permission. Reposted with several small corrections, 7 August 2007.

Friends United Meeting and Its Identity:

An Interpretative History

by

Thomas D. Hamm

Earlham College and Indiana Yearly Meeting

Probably no Quaker entity has had a history so characterized by difference and controversy as Friends United Meeting (FUM), which was for its first sixty years the Five Years Meeting of Friends. This reflects the organization’s birth in the late nineteenth century, at a time when Friends were undergoing radical change and were debating how to adapt Quakerism to the times.

The roots of difference go back to the 1820s, when the Hicksite Separation divided North American Friends. Even the nature of the issues at hand is an issue, as both sides saw themselves as upholding traditional Christian Quakerism against false Friends corrupted by outside influences, be they Presbyterian or Unitarian. The 40 percent or so who became known as Hicksites embarked on a path that, after considerable controversy, would move them into identification with liberal Christianity after 1870. The 60 percent who became known as Orthodox shared a view of the infallibility of Scripture and divinity of Christ similar to that of other evangelical Protestants.

Between 1840 and 1860 Orthodox Friends experienced a new round of divisions that took their names from leading Friends. The majority of Orthodox Friends who were comfortable moving closer to the dominant evangelical Christian culture of the United States at this time became known as Gurneyites. The primitivist opponents of such accommodation became known as Wilburites and were the forerunners of present-day Conservative Friends.

Gurneyite acculturation took a radical turn after 1870, as meetings from New England to North Carolina to Ohio and Indiana west to Oregon became swept up in a wave of revivalism. This movement, which drew largely on Wesleyan holiness doctrines, produced a revolution. Traditional ideas of plainness and worship were discarded as music and, eventually, pastoral ministry, became the norm. (Baltimore, the smallest, was the one Gurneyite yearly meeting largely unaffected.) The revivals also brought in thousands of converts and expanded Quakerism into new areas. Most Gurneyite Friends gave up the idea of Friends as a “peculiar people” and began to define their community as the larger one of evangelical Protestants.

These changes did not come without controversy. They produced separations of more conservative Friends, who eventually united with the Wilburites. In several Gurneyite yearly meetings, especially New England, New York, Western, and Indiana, an influential group of weighty Friends remained who tried to moderate the changes. They were especially resistant to attempts, after 1879, to introduce outward observance of the ordinances into Quaker worship. It was to take stock and consider the impact of all of these innovations that representatives of the Gurneyite yearly meetings, with observers from London, Dublin, and Philadelphia yearly meetings, met in Richmond, Indiana, in the fall of 1887.

The Richmond conference had two lasting consequences. One was the conclusion that it would be useful to produce a common declaration of faith. There was precedent, going back to the seventeenth century. Orthodox Friends had published such a statement in 1830, and all of the participating yearly meetings by 1887 had such declarations in their Disciplines. The resulting statement, although under the care of a large committee, was largely the work of Joseph Bevan Braithwaite of London Yearly Meeting. The conference proceedings make it clear that the declaration was intended to be a statement of conclusions that the participating yearly meetings had already reached and that it would not supersede any yearly meeting statement. Afterwards, all but one of the participating American yearly meetings accepted or endorsed it, with provisos that it was not to be considered a creed or replace their own faith statements. The exception was Ohio, which considered it insufficiently evangelical. Significantly in London Yearly Meeting, an influential minority considered it insensitive to Quaker distinctiveness and blocked endorsement.

The second consequence came from a proposal offered by William Nicholson, the clerk of Kansas Yearly Meeting, to form a triennial conference of yearly meetings with ultimate authority and legislative powers over the participating yearly meetings. Nicholson argued that it would bring “unification, compactness, strength, solidity, power of resistance, and an effective wielding of our forces.” Many Friends hailed the proposal; others, widely divergent in theology, saw it as “revolutionary and anti-Quaker.” The yearly meetings did agree to subsequent conferences in 1892 and 1897. At the latter, delegates agreed to draft a Uniform Discipline that would form the basis for a Five Years Meeting of Friends in America. By 1901, all of the American Gurneyite yearly meetings except Ohio had accepted it. Ohio again rejected the statement as insufficiently evangelical. The first sessions of the Five Years Meeting were held in 1902.

As it emerged in 1902, the Five Years Meeting was not as strong as William Nicholson had envisioned. The Uniform Discipline did bring change, most notably common organizational structures and the abolition of birthright membership. Provision was made for the establishment of a variety of boards, of which the most consequential would be that on foreign missions. But the Five Years Meeting did not have the power to lay down or sanction a yearly meeting, other than through expulsion. And since 1887, new issues had emerged.

Since 1887, Gurneyite Friends had seen dramatic change. The most important was the emergence of Rufus Jones (1863-1948). A lifelong member of New England Yearly Meeting, Jones had gone to Philadelphia in 1893 to teach at Haverford College and edit the Friends’ Review, which was the organ of Philadelphia Gurneyites skeptical of the revival. A year later, Jones negotiated a merger with the Midwestern Gurneyite weekly, the Christian Worker, and formed the American Friend. Jones used its pages to advocate formation of the Five Years Meeting under a Uniform Discipline. (The 1901 version was largely the work of Jones and James Wood, the long-time clerk of New York Yearly Meeting. Jones wrote the “Essential Truths” section.) Jones had also become the leader of a small but extremely influential group of Gurneyite Friends, largely associated with Haverford, Wilmington, Guilford, Earlham, Whittier, and Pacific colleges, who embraced modernist Protestantism—the Social Gospel, postmillennialism, critical study of the Bible. These modernist Friends, while emphatically Christian, were skeptical of revivalism, emphasized the love and example of the life of Christ over salvation through His Blood, and stressed progressive or continuing revelation. They also believed that the revival had eroded too many Quaker distinctive doctrines, especially the Inner Light. By 1902, their influence was such that they could prevent the incorporation of the Richmond Declaration in the Uniform Discipline. Instead, each yearly meeting was left to decide its status.

Modernism would be the center of conflict in the Five Years Meeting from its formation, and the bureaucracies and sessions of the Five Years Meeting itself would provide new settings for that conflict. While the American Friend was its organ, the journal’s ownership was with a small group of Philadelphia Friends. While Jones published numerous articles by holiness and strongly evangelical Friends, the appearance of any liberal work was an issue. Attempts to censure Jones and liberal Friends at the 1907 sessions of the Five Years Meeting failed, but by 1912 the perception of crisis was acute. This led to two significant actions. The first was structural. The Five Years Meeting assumed ownership of the American Friend and moved it to Richmond, Indiana. The second was adoption of a statement in the 1912 sessions on the status of the Richmond Declaration:

The Five Years Meeting, having been requested in Minutes from Western, Kansas, and California Yearly Meetings to take some action that will interpret the clause in the Uniform Discipline referring to the Richmond Declaration of Faith, decides that these documents are historic statements of belief, approved by the Five Years Meeting in 1902, as expressed in the clause of Discipline referred to and approved again at this time, 1912, but they are not to be regarded as constituting a creed.

These actions did not end the controversy, as the divide between modernists of the Jones persuasion and their opponents widened between 1912 and 1922. Both sides drew on outside influences: Friends who identified with the emerging fundamentalist movement in American Protestantism founded bible colleges as alternatives to schools like Earlham and supported their own publications, such as The Gospel Minister and The Evangelical Friend. A particular grievance was the appointment in 1917 of Walter C. Woodward, an articulate modernist, as executive secretary of the Five Years Meeting and editor of the American Friend. Modernists continued to embrace similar movements in other denominations.

These tensions came to a head at the 1922 sessions of the Five Years Meeting. At issue was the qualifying clause in the 1912 minute that the Richmond Declaration and other statements were “not to be regarded as constituting a creed.” Critics saw it as nullifying the documents, and there had been threats of separation unless change took place. Accordingly, the Business Committee, with Rufus Jones at its head, recommended eliminating the clause as “widely misunderstood,” and submitted the following statement, which the Five Years Meeting embraced:

We recognize with profound sorrow that there is in the world today a great drift of religious unsettlement, unconcern, and unbelief. We desire at this time to call our own membership to a deeper religious life, a greater consecration of heart and will to God and a more positive loyalty to the faith for which so many of our forerunners suffered and died. We wish to reaffirm the statements and declarations of faith contained in our Uniform Discipline, viz. , “The Essential Truths,” “The Declaration of Faith” issued by the Richmond Conference in 1887 and ‘George Fox’s Letter to the Governor of Barbados” and we urge upon all our membership to refresh their minds by a careful reading of these documents which gather up and express the central truths for which we stand, now as in the past. But we would further remind our membership that our Christian faith involves more than the adoption and profession of written statements however precious they may be. It stands and lives only in free personal loyalty and devotion to a living Christ and in an inward experience of His spiritual presence and power in the soul, making the facts of our religion as real and as capable of being soundly tested as are the facts of the physical universe. May Friends everywhere bear in their bodies the marks of the Lord Jesus.

As Earl Redding and Tom Bodine noted in a 1974 study, while “the official action of Five Years Meeting in 1922 was to reaffirm the historic doctrinal statements,” it also “set the statements in the historic perspective that doctrinal statements do not hold for Friends the same sort of authority that other churches vest in creeds.”

Because the Five Years Meeting did not use the 1922 actions as a basis to remove Walter Woodward and others whom some Friends regarded as unsound, an exodus began. Oregon Yearly Meeting withdrew entirely in 1925, and several hundred fundamentalist-leaning Friends in Indiana and Western Yearly Meetings separated to form Central Yearly Meeting between 1924 and 1926. Dissatisfied members of California Yearly Meeting left Friends entirely for the same reason around 1930, and in 1937 Kansas Yearly Meeting withdrew.

By the late 1930s, interest was growing in an extensive revision of the Uniform Discipline, “to make it comply more nearly to present-day needs.” A committee was appointed in 1940. By 1945, it had produced four drafts, the last of which the Five Years Meeting submitted to the constituent yearly meetings. Five years later, it was clear that there was no unity on any doctrinal statement. So the 1950 sessions ruled that only the sections dealing with business procedures for the Five Years Meeting would go into effect, and that it was left to yearly meetings to adapt the draft to their own needs.

Two other forces pulled at the Five Years Meeting between 1945 and 1965. One was the impetus in some areas toward union or reunion of Hicksite and Orthodox meetings. This impulse went back at least thirty years. In some localities, meetings began worshiping together even while legally separate. In others, newly founded unprogrammed meetings resisted affiliation to avoid taking sides in older splits. Invariably, however, such meetings were not evangelical in theology. New England, Canadian, and New York Yearly Meetings saw several pastoral meetings become unprogrammed or leave the yearly meeting because of what they perceived as doctrinal looseness. Formal reunion of Hicksite and Orthodox came in Canadian, New York, and Baltimore yearly meetings, affiliating them with both FGC and the Five Years Meeting. In 1960, New England Yearly Meeting affiliated with FGC as well. And in 1962, the newly formed Southeastern Yearly Meeting was founded on a dual basis. These unions brought more theologically liberal Friends into the Five Years Meeting.

The other stress came from a renewed assertiveness by strongly evangelical Friends. The first of a series of conferences, including both Friends from the independent Ohio, Oregon, and Kansas Yearly Meetings as well as many from the Five Years Meeting, was held in 1947. Increasingly, there was a perception of an alternative for pastoral Friends dissatisfied with what they saw as doctrinal vagueness and the influence of Friends from the united yearly meetings. Tensions in Nebraska Yearly Meeting were resolved only by that Five Years Meeting body setting off most of its monthly meetings into Rocky Mountain Yearly Meeting, which cut all ties with the Five Years Meeting.

Still, several observers have seen the period between 1945 and 1965 as a time of progress for the Five Years Meeting, which changed its name to Friends United Meeting in 1960 and began triennial sessions. Yearly meetings outside North America, such as East Africa and Jamaica, joined. A new headquarters was built in Richmond. Friends United Press was established. Finances were generally healthy. The center seemed to hold.

By the late 1960s, however, strains were becoming apparent. One issue was FUM’s membership in the National and World Council of Churches, which served as a lightning rod for many evangelicals. The influx of convinced Friends into the dual yearly meetings drawn by antiwar activism and what they perceived as the tolerance of Friends widened the theological gap with most pastoral Friends. Another issue was the rise of a universalist outlook in the unprogrammed yearly meetings, which argued that Quakerism was not necessarily Christian. These tensions led the FUM General Board to undertake a study of the status of the Richmond Declaration in 1974. It concluded that the 1922 affirmation was still in effect, but with the qualifier that Friends recognized the limitations of written statements of faith.

By the late 1970s, a new issue had appeared, homosexuality. Generally, theologically liberal Friends were sympathetic to questioning traditional ideas about same-sex relationships. By the early 1980s, some monthly meetings with FUM affiliation were conducting same-sex unions. For others within FUM, this was an affirmation of evil and it proved extremely divisive. In 1984, for example, California Yearly Meeting threatened to withdraw as host for triennial sessions if the subject was even raised. In 1988, FUM put in place a regulation that limited employment to persons who refrained from sexual relationships outside of heterosexual marriage, which outraged many Friends.

These differences were apparent at the FUM triennial in 1987 in Greensboro, North Carolina. Southwest Yearly Meeting (it had changed its name from California) had asked the session to reaffirm the Richmond Declaration. After long debate, it was clear that there was not unity to do so, but as a compromise, the meeting endorsed what became known as the “Two O’clock Minute,” which affirmed FUM’s Christian identity. But tensions remained.

The response of Steve Main, then the FUM General Secretary, was to propose what became known as “Realignment.” It asked, essentially, that the yearly meetings dually affiliated with FUM and FGC leave the former for the latter, and that the pastoral yearly meetings in FUM join with Evangelical Friends International in a new relationship. The FUM General Board condemned the idea, largely because Friends in Indiana, Western, Wilmington, and North Carolina recognized that many of their members would resist such a stark choice. But the General Board did commit itself to further work on issues of morality and doctrine. These meetings in 1991, 1992, and 1993 were often tense, but produced the mission statement that FUM still uses. As is often the case with compromises, it did not suit everyone. Southwest Yearly Meeting withdrew in 1993, while more liberal Friends criticized the statement as failing to reflect the range of views within FUM.

From the point of view of this historian of Quakerism, the past two decades have reflected tensions that were inevitable in an organization that has necessarily tried to embrace the full range of American Quakerism. At the extremes, Friends who see FGC or EFI as the best embodiment of the faith and practice of Friends have tried to nudge FUM as a body in their direction, not surprisingly drawing resistance. Much of FUM’s appeal has rested on a sense that it represents a middle way between two extremes. But as the extremes have widened, with many EFI Friends holding on to only the most tenuous Quaker identity and many FGC Friends discarding the Christian basis of Quakerism as narrow and exclusionary, the task has become correspondingly difficult. Probably the most important development of the last decade has been the increasing role of Kenyan Friends, who now make up a majority of FUM’s members. Their centrality to the 2007 reaffirmation of the Richmond Declaration may signal a fundamental turning point in FUM identity.

A Bibliography

I have drawn largely on two documents, both unpublished. One is the report on the status of the Richmond Declaration compiled by Earl Redding and Thomas Bodine in 1974 for the use of the 1975 Triennial sessions. A useful summary appeared as “Friends . . . One in the Spirit” in Quaker Life in October 1974. The second is a 1992 compilation by Harold Smuck, “Friends United Meeting, Past and Present.” It includes a time line summarizing developments in organization, faith, missions, social concerns, evangelism, publishing, pastoral leadership, ecumenicalism, and cities.

For changes in the nineteenth century, an overview is my own The Transformation of American Quakerism: Orthodox Friends, 1800-1907 (Indiana University Press, 1988). Mark Minear’s Richmond 1887 (1987) is a good account of the Richmond Conference. The proceedings of the 1887 conference, including the speeches and remarks of the delegates/representatives, were published, as where those of the 1892, 1897, 1902, and 1907. From 1912 to date, only minutes have been published.

For a modernist view of developments in the first half of the twentieth century, see Rufus Jones The Trail of Life in the Middle Years (1934) and Elbert Russell, Quaker: An Autobiography (1956). For the evangelical view, see Edward Mott, The Friends Church in the Light of Its Recent History (1930) and Sixty Years of Gospel Ministry (1948).

Resources for FUM history since 1950 are less accessible and involve reading the Triennial minutes and the American Friend and Quaker Life. Especially useful is the September 1984 issue of the latter, which is devoted to “The Quaker Search for Identity.” For the issues in the Realignment controversy, most of which are still current, see the 1991 Pendle Hill publication Realignment: Nine Views among Friends.

13 April 2007

Friday PS: The hyphen within

Fryazevo Station

A Poor Wayfaring Stranger, with his post on "A Quaker Path?", set up a train of thoughts that can't wait until next Thursday to depart the station. Briefly:

In his post, Craig considers the phenomenon of hyphenated Quakers who also identify with communities or draw inspiration from sources outside Friends, often outside the Christian family. I thought about my experience with dual affiliations. Most of the people I've known with dual memberships or identities integrate them internally rather than asking that the communities change to suit them. I wonder if a Buddhist Catholic (and it does happen!) would ask the Catholic church to stop talking about Jesus and Mary and the Bible.

I remembered the Ailanthus nonviolence Bible study that I was involved with years ago in Boston, meeting weekly at Beacon Hill Friends House. Most of the participants were Catholic or Quaker; I think there was one Lutheran. While the Buddhist monk Mamoru Kato was living with us at the house, during the period he was conducting his daily prayer walks to Lexington, he also attended our Bible study. Someone suggested that he might prefer that we not have the Bible at the center of our meetings. Not at all, he replied--he wanted us to be who we were.

That's what I yearn for--that we know who we are and that we be who we are, changeable by the Holy Spirit, even changeable by the discernments of newcomers, but not made vulnerable by a false anxiety to please everyone who brings in allergies or grievances or fascinations from outside Friends that have no connection with our roots.

Paradoxically, who we are is a people of hospitality and tender ears. This is precisely why some of our meetings and churches receive people who have allergies and grievances, or who are by nature skeptical. Those people are precious! Among other things, they keep us honest, they keep us from getting stagnant, and they deserve our attention. If we don't exercise a stewardship of our testimonies and learnings, obtained over the course of centuries, we have nothing to offer them but secondhand cliches (whether liberal or evangelical) delivered in a sort of quaint, antiquarian container. Our guests deserve generous hospitality, but they also deserve stable hosts--hosts who provide loving access, but who maintain that stewardship, while not forgetting that the process of going from guest status to host status must be available and transparent.

That transition may happen quickly for some, and it may never happen for others. In fact, some might choose to remain hyphenated for a lifetime--they may be flourishing in that overlap of spiritual communities. They may even invite others into that experience. And some may find healing in that overlap, and with healing it may become more possible to choose one or the other community as a primary home. I remember a British Friend who told me that his growth in Christian experience was made possible by the fact that his meeting didn't require him to use Christian language. In my interpretation, living as a guest in a hospitable and tender meeting gave him the space he needed to grow into a more recognizably Quaker Christian identity. However, if in the service of not cramping him, his meeting had concealed the Christian dimension of its life, that would have been a betrayal of its stewardship as host.

(Of course I realize that some British meetings, and some elsewhere in Atlantic-culture Quakerism, have actually committed that betrayal. This ought to remain a point of conflict--or realignment--although that conflict must must must be carried out with love and courtesy and eager attempts at mutual understanding and joint efforts where values coincide.)

Update: More thoughts on the hyphen within.


Fryazevo StationThanks to Simon Barrow's weblog, I found and read with great interest this Observer article on Rowan Williams, the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose communion is struggling with disunity around sexual identities. One phrase leapt out at me as being one of my own central experiences in my attempts to be a conscientious steward within FUM: All his sympathies are with gay and lesbian people, and he is an old friend of Jeffrey [a candidate he refused to make a bishop]. But he has a very high regard for the doctrine of the church and, as archbishop, it is his responsibility to safeguard its unity. Beyond the specific controversy, the article lays open the dilemmas and difficulties of nuanced communication in a culture that expects soundbites and binary options.


Fryazevo StationAndrew Sullivan makes a distinction between Christians (with whom he identifies) and Christianists (who want to remake society along theocratic lines). He uses these distinctions in a New Republic review-essay of The Enemy at Home: The Cultural Left and Its Responsibility for 9/11 by Dinesh D'Souza. Sullivan correctly rejects the vision of a society "with the absence of any space between the individual and the community's religious faith."

The challenge for Christians, and especially for politically progressive evangelicals: What relationship between faith and public life best serves both the imperatives of evangelism and the imperatives of democracy? One of the fatal flaws of the theoconservative vision is that God actually does not honor man-made (gender-loaded intentionally) structures that claim a monopoly on both theology and politics. As Sullivan points out, look at the institutions of radical Islam and right-wing Christianity. They're all heavily male-dominated. Can anyone argue that in either case the public outcomes glow with Divine blessing? Someone said that revolutions always eat their young; this goes for top-down authoritarian revolutions as well as revolutions from below.

As soon as you tell me what I must say and do to gain God's approval, as certified by the religiopolitical authorities, you're either coercing me into a false relationship with God, or you're exposing yourself as a fraud, or both. But if you're presenting me with access to a loving community whose expectations (testimonies, discipleship) potentially unite my spirituality and my "secular" behavior, I might voluntarily enter into disciplines that are every bit as comprehensive as those the theocrats want to propose, but I can still breathe!

12 April 2007

Angels rush in where fools fear to tread

We are approaching the second anniversary of Marla Ruzicka's death on the Baghdad airport road. She was the founder of the Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict (CIVIC) and an almost instant legend among human rights activists, journalists, and NGO workers in Afghanistan and Iraq. Thousands of people all over the world were captivated by the story of this young American who threw herself into the struggle for relief for innocent war victims and their families, apparently oblivious to her appearance of total naivete and headstrong, foolish idealism. Sadly, many of us were only captivated after we found out she was gone.

Veteran reporters and politicians were shaken by her death, and were not ashamed to say so. Many of their reflections and reminiscences are collected on CIVIC's "Marla's Memorial" Web page. The first impressions I got from their stunned comments two years ago was of a young woman all of whose energy seemed to go into two activities--helping those who were injured, or whose loved ones were killed, by accident or error in the process of American military actions in Afghanistan and Iraq; and arranging and animating wild and wonderful parties in improbably locations for the internationalists among whom she ceaselessly networked on behalf of her cause. In short, she seemed like an angel with a difference--a party angel, both stubbornly earthy and improbably ethereal.

In an early reflection on the Slate site, Jennifer Abrahamson warned that this was not a full picture: "Over the past few days I have seen many descriptions of Marla, including those likening her to an angel or a saint. Neither of those words do her justice. She was driven by a passion I have never encountered before, and she had a boundless heart. But she was also consumed by extreme lows as well as highs, tears along with laughter. In discussing plans for a book, she wanted to be depicted as the rich and complex woman that she was."

Abrahamson eventually completed that book, Sweet Relief: The Marla Ruzicka Story, and I've just read it. Now I see what she meant. That same young woman who could barge up to Donald Rumsfeld at a news conference and talk his ear off all the way to his car, or introduce herself to a whole roomful of experienced journalists she'd never met before with serene assurance that they would all totally be her friends, also suffered from depression and incredible self-doubt, didn't eat well or enough, pushed herself hard physically and emotionally, went into an unsustainable marriage, leaned too heavily on alcohol--while frequently trying to break this habit ... in short seemed incapable of sustained moderation.

Her complicated story also includes her evolution, or perhaps reorientation, from passionate American dissident to a sharply-focused organizer who was less concerned to find villains than to do whatever it took to obtain justice for victims--even if it meant building cooperative relationships with the U.S. military. Sadly, as a result she fell out of synch with some of her early collaborators.

Abrahamson's book itself feels a bit out of synch--shifting gears, rushing forward and braking, now reflective and now a breathless intercontinental itinerary. Maybe, given her subject, that scattered style is not entirely inappropriate. I also looked in vain for any understanding of the role of faith in Marla's story--the only tiny hint comes in the descriptions of her funeral at St. Mary's Catholic Church, Lakeport, California--for example the statement that the priest had known her all her life. The narrative includes her time at the Friends World program at Long Island University, but doesn't mention the Quaker background of that program.

It was not disillusioning to have my initial party-angel impression stripped away by Sweet Relief. To tell us what it cost for the world to receive her unique blessings is a deeper honor. It also challenges our conventional wisdom about what true effectiveness means, and what is required of us in community to support those who are led into unusually visible and risky confrontations with injustice.



The CIVIC site also includes a page honoring Marla Ruzicka's colleague Faiz Ali Salim, who died with her on April 16, 2005.



The American Civil Liberties Union has obtained the first, very partial, report on civilian casualties in Afghanistan and Iraq compiled from U.S. military reports. (ACLU announcement. CIVIC commentary. AP article.)



Friends United Meeting and symbolic politics, continued:


From several sources I've heard about the decision of Southeastern Yearly Meeting to suspend its membership in Friends United Meeting, for two years, after which, without a definite decision to reactivate it, it would be discontinued. Without discounting the pain involved, this feels to me like a decision that honors truth.

I have experienced convergence among Friends as we meet and mix in all sorts of informal ways, building new patterns of dialogue and mutual aid. I experience divergence as formal relationships seem less and less reflective of spiritual reality. Uniquely among North American yearly meetings of Friends, Southeastern was "united" in relating to Friends General Conference and Friends United Meeting almost right from its very origins, partly because of the natural mixing that resulted from snowbird and retirement patterns. That original vision, and the influence of Miami Friends from Cuba, have not proved spiritually persuasive for some critical minimum number of Friends. As was made clear to me in my own visits to Southeastern, many perceive FUM as something alien, external, something that causes pain. There is no theory worth subjecting people to pain.

More about all this later. May God bless Southeastern Yearly Meeting and also the remaining yearly meetings of Friends United Meeting. And may FUM remain faithful to its purpose of energizing and equipping Friends through the power of the Holy Spirit to gather people into fellowships where Jesus Christ is known, loved, and obeyed as Teacher and Lord. And more than that: may FUM become far more powerfully persuasive in advocating for itself and may it (we) become ever more transparent in its governance, programs, and finances.



Righteous links:

Elizabeth Bwayo and Carol Briggs, victims of a violent carjacking in Nairobi that killed Elizabeth's husband Jacob, were visited in Portland, Oregon, at Eastertime, by their Kenyan surgeon, Eric Kahugu. KGW-TV's story here; the Oregonian's here.

PC World reports that "Google Earth has added a Global Awareness layer to its maps program that lets you learn about the crisis in Darfur." I tried it and found this feature profoundly helpful and disturbing.

Wander around in Susan Jeffers' Peace Church Bible Study Home Page. You may experience a strange urge to learn biblical languages!

The Guardian presents two (at least!) different viewpoints on blogosphere civility: Jonathan Freedland "The blogosphere risks putting off everyone but point-scoring males" and Brian Whitaker "Blog and be damned: Today's argument over the tone of online debate would be familiar to the pamphleteers of 18th-century Britain."



Buddy Guy does have a quiet side, and not just when he's shushing his band. Here's a nice clip of "Lucy Mae Blues."

08 March 2007

Friends United Meeting and symbolic politics

The recent microcontroversy about the Friends United Meeting board meetings last month in Kenya strike me as coming from a small place, not a place of revival and abundant life.

According to Will T's report, the controversy ignited in part over the proposal to reaffirm the Richmond Declaration of Faith. Support and objections came from boringly predictable quarters: representatives of the yearly meetings that are not dually affiliated also with Friends General Conference were generally in favor; those from dually-affiliated yearly meetings were mostly opposed. Background and commentary on both positions (particularly on the role played by concepts of scriptural authority) can be found in Will's post and the subsequent comments, and on the more recent post by Ron Bryan of Iowa Yearly Meeting (FUM) on Will's blog.

I was very interested in Ron Bryan's observations. He is not just speaking for himself; in his words I see an accurate reflection of a huge segment of Friends United Meeting--the very segment that many liberal Friends seem to feel is completely disposable. At the same time, his statement reveals how artificial this Richmond Declaration controversy is.

Some liberal Friends treat FUM's Christian identity and biblical roots as optional modules to be challenged opportunistically at least once every generation. However, to my utter frustration, over and over, I've also seen evangelical Friends (my tribe: small-e evangelical, i.e., the majority of FUM) choose to confront liberals by demanding the affirmation of some verbal formula. I'm not arguing here about the merits of the formula--I happen to think that the Richmond Declaration of Faith is as good as any collection of basic Quaker principles that has been ratified by a legitimate, worshipping fellowship of Friends. However, as a friend of mine, a long-time observer of FUM, said the other day, what was so urgent about re-ratifying the Richmond Declaration yet again?

According to Ron Bryan, African Friends complained that "You came to us 100 years ago and told us about the Bible and Jesus Christ using the Declaration of Faith as a guiding document, we believed, and now you want to take it away from us." Most FUM-only yearly meetings, and most Evangelical Friends International yearly meetings (at least in North America) include the Richmond Declaration among their foundational writings--nobody has the power to take that document away from them and their yearly meetings, least of all FUM. This is symbolic politics at its stupidest.

As my friend suggested, it's almost as if a small group of North Americans, hoping that the dual-affiliation yearly meetings will finally get fed up with FUM and leave, promoted the reaffirmation of the Declaration as a sure-fire way to irritate liberals, who of course can usually be counted on to swallow the bait without hesitation. There is much in the Richmond Declaration that is congenial to classic liberal concerns, but the imposition of a normative statement was apparently too much for some of the liberals to bear, even for the sake of unity, and so events (I say glibly, not having been there) took their predictable path. What if the liberals had said, "OK, if this document is so precious to you, we won't stand in the way; now what is the next item on the agenda? Hopefully it is more related to the needs of those perishing while we squabble."

Yes, people are perishing, and languishing under political, social, and spiritual oppression while the liberals work out their fastidious opposition to normative doctrines, and evangelicals insist on yet another round of verbal uniformity. People need neither subtle quakerishness nor formula evangelicalism. We need the Holy Spirit, and we need her NOW. What if we stopped acting as the heroic representatives of our ancient factions and humbly begged for the Holy Spirit to cover our gatherings, and we didn't move until we had clarity on our mission for the world, starting with our own neighborhoods, our own misguided politicians, our misused and deceived soldiers, our poorly served immigrants, our trashed planet, and wherever love pulls us to pray and act?

I don't intend to marginalize doctrines and the theologians who lovingly craft them on behalf of the church and humbly seek the church's ratification. But I see little love and less humility in the current drives to uphold or criticize the Richmond Declaration of Faith. Friends are in desperate need of revival, and revival is a matter of prayer and healing and commitment, not of symbolic politics.



Righteous links:

Friends United Meeting's report on the recent board meetings appears here.

Bill Samuel provides a thoughtful comment on the FUM situation in response to one of my earlier posts.

Aj Schwanz may or may not have anything to say about FUM's quarrels, but her recent blog entries, "My tradition's distinctives: plaques or tools?" and "Conflicted," seem to me to come from the deep place where issues of revival or death are decided.

Robert Fisk in The Independent: How easy it is to put hatred on the map. (Thanks to Samia Zaru for the reference.)

Thanks to Ekklesia (see their overhauled Web site), I now have a new source for thoughtful movie reviews.

Friday PS: As Sean's Russia Blog pointed out, yesterday was both International Women's Day and the 90th anniversary of the first Russian Revolution of 1917.

Two items from Christian Peacemaker Teams in Iraq: #1: Should CPT remain in Iraq? and #2: Tom Fox remembrance: Lectionary for today, March 9, the third Friday in Lent.

The Christian Peace Witness for Iraq campaign (March 16) has five themes: "End the occupation; support the troops--bring them home; commit to rebuild Iraq; say 'no' to torture; say 'yes' to justice." (Thanks to FUM's weekly prayer bulletin.)



Buddy Guy performs "Five Long Years":


22 February 2007

The Unbearable Lightness of Being Quaker

Will T. returned from Friends United Meeting's recent General Board meeting in Kenya with a troubling load of impressions that he faithfully posted on his weblog under the title, "Back from Africa with a broken heart."

I was not at the General Board meeting, but so much of what he wrote felt so similar to the struggles a generation ago between some Friends in the "FUM-only" yearly meetings and some Friends in the "united" or "confederated" yearly meetings that also belonged to the more liberal Friends General Conference. My first thought was, "Oh, no, not again," and I had to remind myself that these systemic issues are hardly ever cleared up once and for all.

Among its many other wonderful qualities and shadowy sins, FUM is still paying for the decades it spent trying to pretend that it was truly "united," served by a staff and a leadership caste that, by and large, was highly invested in presenting the best face to each end of the spectrum, trying to be good friends (and actually succeeding miraculously often) with people who were often not friends with each other. Among the survival tactics: publishing a magazine that was as inoffensive as possible, therefore hardly ever carrying any substantial news, and publishing two lines of Quaker curriculum, Living Light and Living Word, for a market that was so small that it could barely sustain one.

The theological civil war known as "realignment" (which I briefly summarized in my comments here) was precipitated by a number of crises, including the embarrassing spectacle of a Triennial (1987) that almost could not unite in adopting a Christian self-description, and the controversial adoption of a sexual ethics policy. I became general secretary just as some of the passions of realignment were cooling off. The first board meeting of my seven years at FUM adopted a purpose statement that, for once, defined FUM not as an organization in charge of keeping everyone "United" at any cost, but as an association of Friends whose functional unity was grounded in a programmatic purpose. Friends could opt in or opt out of involvement with FUM, not on the basis of whether there were other Friends somewhere in the FUM community whose beliefs or folkways would trigger their allergies, but on the basis of a shared commitment to evangelism -- energizing and equipping Friends "through the power of the Holy Spirit to gather people into fellowships where Jesus Christ is known, loved, and obeyed as Teacher and Lord." In any case, FUM's success would be based on what it did, and whom it attracted in that service, not on being inoffensively winsome to everyone in order to preserve its core organizational conceit. Furthermore, those who did not share its purpose would presumably not have the leverage to sabotage that purpose.

It's not that balancing acts of linguistic symbolism were entirely given up: "Teacher" is a valid and powerful metaphor for the work of Christ, but it's a metaphor that is more associated with the liberal side of the community, whereas "Lord" is decidedly not. Nevertheless, the adoption of this simple purpose statement was a liberation for the staff and board of FUM. In a time of shrinking tolerance with traditional denominational bureaucracies, FUM no longer had to have a department to carry out every conceivable denominational function, anxious to balance each "orthodox" function (for example, missions) with a "liberal" function (peace and social concerns). Instead, we simply needed to ask ourselves how any given assignment related to the energizing and equipping of Friends for evangelism.

The other huge advantage of this purpose statement was its outward orientation. I love William Temple's assertion that the church is the only association that exists primarily for the sake of its non-members, but FUM's balancing acts and intermural struggles were taking energy away from that priority. It was wonderful to have permission again to remember that, while we jockey among ourselves, "the world as I see it is dying, literally dying, for lack of Quakerism in action." (Hugh Doncaster.)

So that's a bit of what was behind my "not again!" sinking feeling as I read the report from the FUM Board. I wrote several lengthy contributions to the comment section of Will's post, and seriously considered crossposting those comments here. I think the things I said there were important to get on the table, and I very much appreciated the loving give and take provided by Will, Marshall, and others.

But as I got ready to do that crossposting, a heaviness came over me. Being a Friend is not a matter of finding just the right combination of subtle ideas, Bible verses, and snippets of Robert Barclay, tastefully presented with the right blend of content and process. Being a Friend doesn't depend on mastery of a rhetoric, or on finding the verbal Holy Grail (borrowing here from Larry Ingle, I think) of Quakerism's unique intellectual and spiritual genius. Somehow, being a Friend is still a light and agile thing, a joyful and first-generation thing, a sprite in a community of sprites among the lumbering elephants of religiosity. (Okay, so I get a little carried away!) It's wanting and hungering to be as close to Jesus as possible; it's trying to be around others with that same yearning; it's trying to help each other live that way; it's trying to work out, in community, what the ethical consequences are; and it's working on keeping the doors of access open, so that there will always be people who are in the first generation. Not that those who have gone before are unimportant; but they're companions, not ancient Chatty Cathys with soundbites playing on endless loops.


Righteous links: Speaking of evangelism, try to top this: Shock and Agape. And from the realm of cinematic evangelism, here's "A Tale of Two Movies" [dead link]. I don't know whether I'll see either film (Facing the Giants and Stranger than Fiction), but I enjoyed reading Tim Jackson's review. [Here's another review of the two movies.]


In 2002, I met and listened to an incredible Australian guitar player named Fiona Boyes, whom Pinetop Perkins (present at the same Waterfront Blues Festival) acclaimed as a worthy successor to Memphis Minnie. To my delight, a Fiona Boyes clip landed in YouTube land, and without further ado -- see for yourself if Pinetop is right:

28 December 2006

"Please don't go"

James Brown. Kan ‘t me nog goed herinneren. Hij was net ontslagen uit de gevangenis en trad op bij North Sea Jazz. Om nooit meer te vergeten... (38935862101).jpg
Source.  

The Christmas morning news that James Brown had died immediately brought back his voice to my mental jukebox. I almost sang out loud, "Please please please ... please don't go!!" but it was, of course, too late. The Godfather of Soul was already gone. This time he couldn't shrug off that overcoat and defiantly haul himself back for one more pleading moment at the microphone; he would no longer step and spin with the snapping guitars and percussive horns; he couldn't command his band to "take it to the bridge" because he's already crossed. According to the track I'm listening to right now, he's on the "night train," but not, this time, to Florida, or Georgia, or North Carolina. Cold sweat, indeed, and suddenly there's a huge hole in the culture.

I remember from my high school years the incredible electricity of "Say It Loud (I'm Black and I'm Proud)"--the one song that was instantly recognizable from its first tiny fraction of a second. No fading in, no DJ talkover! And above all, no vapid formula lyrics to fit the demographic. I ponder those words, "We're people, we like the birds and the bees, but we'd rather die on our feet than keep living on our knees." The record climbs the charts as we dust ourselves off from the disastrous Democratic national convention in Chicago and the Soviet leaders plan their violent smothering of the Prague Spring.

The death of James Brown seems to overshadow that of former U.S. president Gerald Ford. Listening to the coverage of Ford's presidency and funeral plans over the last few days, I wondered why I have almost no memories of his presidency, until I remembered: in those years, I wasn't living in the USA. Pierre Elliott Trudeau and his political woes (including his supposed "fuddle duddle" arrogance, anticipating Dick Cheney by decades) dominated the news in Ottawa. By the time I returned to the USA, Carleton University diploma in hand, Jimmy Carter was president.


Am I becoming a Quaker curmudgeon? Here comes another newsletter from an international Friends organization I care about. Let's see ... four pages of tiny print, with God mentioned once (in the mission statement) and absolutely no reference to Christ or Christianity. And how are we asked to support the organization? By sending money and getting our meetings to send money; evidently no prayer is needed. In contrast to the lack of divinity, the words "Quaker" and "Quakerism" are used at least a dozen times. But the overwhelming tone is that of a secular nongovernmental organization.

Years ago, when my job required me to read lots of these sorts of Quaker newsletters, I had a similar experience. A newsletter from the Quaker Council for European Affairs sent me over the edge when I realized that there was not a word in it about the spiritual motivation behind the excellent work it described. Being an experienced Quaker bureaucrat myself, after cooling off I had to admit that I knew the temptation to publicize what was on my desk rather than visualize and speak to a human audience about what was in my heart. Furthermore, as Right Sharing of World Resources staff (which I was at the time), I was aware that most of my daily reading and much of my advocacy work was in a context and culture set by large and competent secular organizations, and I began to recognize that I probably had a subconscious desire to be credible in that community.

I also realized that many Friends activists assume that their readers already understand the motivations undergirding their work, or can pick them up between the lines. But that's not how communication actually works, except perhaps among others already in the activist culture. So we think that our newsletters are spreading the word about our valuable work, but they're actually giving a cold shoulder to anyone who doesn't already share that culture. Everyone else can actually be forgiven for thinking that what we DON'T say must not be important.

I wrote a letter to QCEA at the time, but I can't remember getting a response.

Our income doesn't increase, because we're not connecting with new people, not communicating a motivation they can identify with. We communicate our programs, not our passion. We speak in the language of budgets and proposals and policies and the latest "thinking" about how to make lives better, but the common-sense reader needs to see how their own response can confront oppression, not how clever we are in using their money. And it may be natural to us to say "Quaker" and "Quakerism" over and over and over in our literature and Web sites, but without any reference to a living spirituality or the wider Christian context, we begin to give off a very cultish smell, as if we were representatives of some kind of rarified independent religion.

The newsletter that set me off this time (not from the QCEA) shows no ability to connect with any audience other than one primed to salute at the word "Quaker" and at listings of activities combating social ills. There's not even a symbolic, token linguistic nod at the majority of Friends who are at least nominally evangelical. My first, most ornery response: I guess our Christian faith must either be inconsequential or an embarrassment; it is certainly not a source of motivation worth mentioning. The intended audience obviously doesn't include me or people like me. But I know the writers, who are wonderful people, and I know that the reality cannot be that bleak: perhaps it is just that common tendency to forget the audience in favor of the desk, to emphasize the quantifiable and familiar "whats" and "hows," and leave out the why.

Why do I fear that I'm becoming a curmudgeon? Because a day earlier I received a mailing from an evangelical Christian organization, for yet another curriculum to train counselors in the church. Why must I always immediately scan such material to see if there's any evidence of women and of racial diversity in leadership? (Often not, even in 2006, soon to be 2007!!!) Why do I immediately check for evidence of at least minimal gender sensitivity in language? Why do I get so discouraged when there's no mention of systemic violence or societal sin? Why do I bristle at bouncy happy-talk that includes no serious analysis or self-criticism, and treats me like a naive idiot?

So, honestly, when was the last time I got a newsletter or appeal letter from a Quaker or other Christian source that actually satisfied me?

. . . See why I worry?


Friday PS: See this item in Eric Muhr's Daily Journal at barclaypress.com.


Update on Kaimosi Friends University: There is no update. My requests from over a month ago for information on financial procedures and reporting have received no response.


Righteous links:

Can you become a Christian at Earlham College? (Slap that curmudgeon down!) Apparently you can, judging by this fascinating article in the New York Times, "Consultant helps Democrats Embrace Faith, and Some Are Not Pleased."

Sean's Russia Blog continues its coverage of the gang warfare between young fascists and anti-fascists, with contributor Daut writing on "A Gross Violation of the Public Order."

In the "At least somebody is doing something right" department, hooray for our great Multnomah County Library system. Last month, voters signaled their approval by passing a new five-year levy by a wide margin. For the fourth year in a row, our library had the highest circulation of all libraries in the USA, more than 28 books for every man, woman, and child in the county.